Thursday, April 30, 2009

CITU May Day Manifesto - 2009



On the occasion of May Day – 2009, the day of the international solidarity and unity of the working class, the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) extends warmest revolutionary greetings to the entire working class and the toiling people of the country and the world as a whole. The CITU re-affirms its commitment to class struggle and complete emancipation of the human society from all forms of exploitation.

Fight the Imperialist Machinations

On this May Day the CITU condemns the aggressive hegemonic machinations of the imperialist forces led by US imperialism. Iraq and Afghanistan continues under US military occupation. While in Iraq resistance is growing from within, the US occupation of Afghanistan is contributing in deteriorating political situation in Pakistan.

Israel continues to occupy Palestinian and Arab territories. The recent Gaza massacre by Israeli military forces is the latest examples of imperialist brutality against humanity. Moreover, the US is continuing with its conspiracy to attack Iran, Syria, DPRK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea).

On the issue of deployment of Missile Defence System in Europe, contradiction between USA and Russia is getting aggravated despite change of guard in US Administration.

Special Significance of This Year's May Day

This year's May Day shall be observed by the working class all over the world at a time when neo-liberal economic ideology under finance capital driven imperialist globalization has collapsed and the world is in the grip of a worst ever capitalist economic crisis since the Great Depression of 1930s. According to Cuban President Fidel Castro, "But it is not the usual crisis that happen every certain number of years, or even traumatic crisis of 1930; rather, the worst of all since the world started to pursue this model of growth and development."

True, neo-liberalism has been totally exposed and "the crisis has certainly destroyed the credibility of the neo-liberal ideology." The neo-liberal policies must be reversed and the struggle must march forward towards the ultimate goal of a new people oriented progressive social order. We must understand that the birth of a new social order over the graveyard of neo-liberalism is not automatic but depends on how far the working class movement would successfully organize the fight against the system in strict adherence to ideology of class struggle.

Impact of the Crisis on Working People

According to a ILO forecast in January this year, by the end of 2009 world unemployment could increase by 5 crore (50 millions) over 2007 alone reaching to 23 crore (230 millions) and besides that the number of working poor increasing by 20 crore (200 millions). Closure, lay offs, retrenchment, wage freeze, withdrawal or reduction in social security measures etc has been pushed to a dangerous dimension by the employers' class. Already 3.8 crore (38 millions) people have lost their jobs over last couple of months whereas job creation is going to be far below compared to what it was two years ago.

Private business houses are given huge financial support at the expense of Government exchequers in the name of bail-out packages. Huge concessions are doled out to the capitalist class through repeated reduction in capital cost, interst-rate, tax cuts etc. instead of job protection and employment generation. Around 32 governments, which had spent about 1.19 trillion US dollars on stimulus packages, had spent a meager 9.2 per cent on relief to suffering people. The so called stimulus packages are mainly aimed at heating the financial markets for the benefit of the speculation and finance capital and the amount flowing for real economy are a meager less than one fifth of the total financial bailout packages. The Director General of ILO has commented, "People, Families and Communities did not create the crisis and yet they carry the highest human costs. And they are legitimately protesting."

World-wide Wave of Strikes

The world is reverberating with Strikes and militant Street Demonstrations as well as different other forms of struggles participated by millions and millions of worker to protest against brazen neglect of toiling people by the Governments in handling the economic crisis. It is a situation of "billions for banks, pennies for people."

The countries under the European Union have witnessed the maximum protest action. Eight national Federations of Trade Unions of France have jointly organized two giant strikes in quick succession. On 29th January and on 19th March this year hundreds of thousands of French workers marched through the streets of the cities of France including Paris. The next action is on the May Day in which ten lakh (one million) workers will take out 200 rallies all over France.

On 13 February the Metal Workers’ Union had strike work in Italy. In solidarity with the strikers, "In Rome 700,000 blue and white collar workers marched side by side, in a unity that has not been seen in Italy for some time." Russia also witnessed militant street rallies in almost every major city in January. In Britain sectoral strikes took place in different industries. More than one hundred thousand workers from different Eurepean countries jointly staged millitant demonstration in London on 2nd April 09 at the venue of meeting of G-20 leaders including Obama, Gordon Brown, Sarkozy, Manmohan Singh.

Shocking Acts of the UPA Government

In our country the neo-liberal policies were introduced by the Congress Party-led Government headed by late Narsimha Rao with Manmohan Singh as Finance Minister. And the BJP-led NDA Government pursued the same policies more vigorously and caused maximum damage to the economy. During NDA regime, many blue chip capital rich CPSUs were sold out almost free of cost and involving deep corruption. After the defeat of BJP-led NDA in the hustings, the Congress party-led UPA Government that followed thereafter also tried to follow the same path leading to the present crisis.

In India the export-oriented sectors like textile and apparels, information technology and ITES segments, gems and jewelleries, leather, tea, automobile parts, construction, aviation etc. have already been seriously affected. Moreover Small and Medium Size Enterprises (SMEs) have been hit hard. There has been full or partial closure of industrial units, particularly the export oriented ones, then cut in production in the industries due to down turn in the market and resultant retrenchment, lay off etc. The official figure of job losses so far is only five hundred thousand but the actual figure of job-losses are many times more and this is increasing by leaps and bounds every day.

The bail-out packages of the UPA Government are still prioritizing on pumping funds to financial market to allure foreign and Indian speculators and not at all on protecting employment, promoting public investment in agriculture, infrastructure, public services and material production and expanding social security and public distribution system – which alone can improve purchasing power of the people, expand domestic market and save the national economy and the mass of the people from the onslaught of the crisis. By their perverse actions, the Congress led UPA has clearly demonstrated that their commitment is not to the people and the country's interest but to the big Corporates and their strategic partners in the imperialist block.

The Ongoing Parliamentary Elections

This year May Day is being observed by the Indian working class in the midst of the on going parliamentary elections. The political parties in the electoral fray are mainly identified into three combinations. A major set back suffered by the UPA and the NDA led by the Congress party and the BJP respectively is that some of their major constituents have deserted them. On the other hand the Left parties have succeeded in launching the Non-Congress non-BJP Third Alternative. Reckoning fact is that the right from the inception the Third Alternative is continuously strengthening with support from different political parties. With every passing day the possibility of formation of an Alternative Government without BJP or Congress party at the centre after the elections is becoming more and more brighter.

The country needs a Government at the centre that would completely reverse the economic policies which have created the crisis and adopt new policies concretely directed to address the sufferings of the people inflicted by the economic crisis. Need of the hour is protection of jobs, generation of new employment, stimulating domestic market by empowering the people economically. Speculative economic activities must be rejected. In other words, not only dismantling of public sector must be stopped but further strengthened by fresh investment by Government.

This year's May Day calls for intensified campaign by working class to fight communalism and religious fundamentalism. The BJP-led NDA is dangerous for their rabid communal and divisive agenda. The election manifesto of BJP has revived its 'hindutva' agenda and made the 'Ram Mandir' an election issue. The Gujarat and Kandhmal (Orissa) carnage apart, communal riots has become the hall mark of the BJP ruled states. The BJP’s game plan is to divide the working class and divide the people.

Moreover, the fight against terrorism and the casteist forces are also very much important. On this May Day the working class of India has to take the pledge to relentlessly fight the forces pausing serious threat to national integrity, communal amity and unity of the working class till these forces are decisively defeated.

On this May Day let us remember that crores of Indian worker participated in 12 nation-wide general strikes, scores of industry-wise strikes and innumerable agitations, demonstrations and other forms of action against neo-liberalism in the country. But for these struggles of the Left Parties against UPA Government's move to privatize banking sector and opening up insurance sector to foreign insurance companies, privatize the pension and social security funds etc, the impact of the meltdown of stock market and consequent financial crisis would have been much more severe than what the country is experiencing today. Enactment of PFRDA Bill aimed at facilitating speculation with pension funds could be stalled by the Left Political Parties and Left Trade Union movement and has saved the social security savings amounting to thousands of crores of rupees belonging to lakhs of workers from the great risk of being wiped out anytime due to down turn in stock market, as has happened in USA and European countries. Unfortunately access to Provident Fund money has been granted to private mutual funds including Reliance Capital by the UPA Government. The working class will have to fight to reverse the decision.

This May Day enjoins upon the toiling people of the country a vital responsibility to ensure the defeat of the Congress-led UPA and the BJP-led NDA in the on going parliamentary elections. At the same time the victory of the Left, Democratic and Secular Alternative must be ensured so that an Alternative Government is formed after this elections at the centre.

The Pledge of May Day 2009

This year's May Day pledge must be to intensify class struggle at the level of nation states and to consolidate the international unity of the working class to fight the menacing burdens of the economic crisis – principally, job losses, wage freeze, casualisation of employment, deterioration in quality of employment, social security, protection of the rights of migrant workers.

Long Live International Solidarity of the Working Class
Down with Imperialist Globalisation
Down with Neo-liberal capitalist Path
Down with Capitalism
Forward to Socialism
Workers of the world, Unite!


First May Day In India

"There will come a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today!"

August Spies
Haymarket Martyr


Although internationally, mainly in the West, observance of May Day began in the year 1890, its observance in India started at a much later. Labour movement itself began in India much later than that in the west european countries and the USA because of extremely delayed growth of industries in colonial India. In 1889 whe the world socialist leaders met in Paris and formed the Second International and on that occassion called upon the working class to observe May Day Internationally, they did it from an ardent international outlook. Even though Western newspapers and certain Indian newspapers published the news of Haymarket tragedy and execution of the May Day heroes, hardy anybody in India at that time had that extent of political and social awareness as to grasp the significance of those events.
May Day with all its revelutionaly significance was first observed in India in 1923. The AITUC was formed in 1920 and along with the formation of the emigre Communist Party in the same year, Some Communit groups were formed in India. Even the AITUC did not call for May Day observance before 1927. But itall goes to the credit of revolutionary spirit of Singaravelu Chettiar that he took the first individual initiative in organizing May Day Rally in Madras in 1923. Singaravelu chettiar was one of the earlies believers in Marxism. He formed Hindustan Labour Kisan Party in 1923, correspondance with M N Roy, who was in charge of emigre Communist party contributed to the formation. He also published Labour Kisan Gazette and Thozilalan wwekly. He was also arrested in the Kanpur Bolshevik Conspiracy Case of 1924.
The Hindu published from Madras covered the news of May Day celebreations. According to the report 2 may day meetings were held in Madras - one presided over by Singaravelu chettiar aa the beach opp. High Court and the other at Triplicane beach presided over by S Krishnaswamy Sarma. Hindu reported there was an enthusiastic gathering of labourers. The Hindu summed up Sigaravelu's speech of the May day meeting at Madras sea beach in the following words:
M Singaravelu Chettiar in explaining the significance of the day, said that the 1st May was a sacred day for the worlkers all over the world. The labourers in India also should celebrate the day ina amanner befitting their position and signify their coopration with their comrades in other parts of theglobe and also lay the foundation stone of a laboru office so that inthe years to come it might attain its full growth and be a source of strenght othe suffering labourers in this coutnry. It should also make them realise that they belonged to one class...Further the party aimed at the solidarity of labour for a common end. In the natural process of evolution labour would ultimately wield power after putting forth a great struggle.

Singaravelu also hoisted red flag in his residence on that day. However after this first inidvidual effort by Singaravelu to observe May Day, in some other centres also May Day was observed subsequently on the basis of local efforts.

Source : May Day and 'Eight Hours' Struggle in India" by Sukomal Sen

Com Prakash Karat visited P Mohan in hospital


CPIM General Secretary Com. Prakash Karat today visited P Mohan, CPIM MP and candidate from Madurai consituency in hospital. Mohan, seeking re-election from the constituency for the third time, has been admitted to the Apollo Hospitals in Chennai and undergone surgey after he developed pain in his stomach while campaigning last night, CPI(M) said in a statement .

"The candidate is not in a position to meet the people to seek votes. Under this circumstances, AIADMK, CPIM and leaders of allies will canvass for Mohan," CPI(M)'s Madurai Rural and Urban District Secretaries V Sundaram and R Annadurai said.

Com Prakash Karat enquired with the doctors on the health condition of P Mohan and wished him an early recovery. Com Prakash Karat was accompanied by The Editor of Hindu Newspaper Mr. N Ram and T K Rangarajan MP.

Wednesday, April 29, 2009

Lal Lal Laherayega, Amra Delhi Jayega

CPIM Rally in Sikar
The writing on the wall is quite clear, Amra Ram,CPI(M) central committee member and four-time MLA's entry into the electoral struggle in Sikar parliamentary constituency had become a nightmare to the BJP and Congress. Sikar is considerd to be the bastion of communist movement in Rajastan. As Frontline denotes:
"Unlike the dominant parties in the State and some others who are trying to get a foothold on the basis of “social engineering”, the Left parties do not bother about “caste calculations”. In fact, the CPI(M) managed to win the three Assembly seats, for the first time, on the basis of the movements and struggles it had organised",
CPIM made foothold in the region through numerous struggles for the cause of the people. Comrade Vasudev, CPIM State Secretary said,
CPI(M) had launched many a struggle in this region on the question of electricity and water. At least eight of its workers, including a woman, had lost theirlives in the police firing by Rani's (Vasundhara Raje’s) government. The successful struggle for the implementation of the NREGA in Sikar district has also helped in widening the base of the Party among the landless and rural poor. Whether it was the struggle of peasants and youth or whether it was the struggle against the price rise or any thing, Amra Ram and CPI(M) had been in the forefront supporting their issues and forcefully raising them in Rajasthan state assembly for fifteen years. He futher added "In the last election, CPI(M) gave a call to defeat BJP and Congress and to increase the number of Left representation from 'ek to anek'. People had supported us and increased our strength from the usual single MLA to three MLAs. With the six members of the BSP who got elected joining Congress en bloc, the CPI(M) has become the third largest party in the assembly.This time around our slogan is "Kam Se Kam Ek". He appealed to the people of Sikar saying that the time has come for them to support to send Amra Ram to Delhi to raise the voice of the poor and downtrodden and kisans, not only of Sikar but of Rajasthan because no one raises those issue in the Lok Sabha from Rajasthan.
Sikar parliamentary constituency consists of dhod, dantaramgarh, sikar, laxmangarh, khandela, srimadhopur, neemkathana and chomu assembly segments. In the 2008 assembly elections CPIM won the assembly segments of Dhod and Dataramgarh. Pema Ram and Amra Ram were elected from there. Party polled 47,840 and 45,909 votes respectively from these 2 constituenceis. In Lakshmangarh and Sikar party lost the battle by narrow margin. In Khandela and Srimadhopur party polled around 17000 and 20000 respectively. We didnt contested neemkathana and chomu segments. The party and its machinery is working to make inroads in the last two assembly segments by concentrating more and according to reports there is overwhelming responce from the people. The campaign is in full peak now and popular party leaders from other districts too are campaining in sikar. More than 7000 people attended when our candidate submitted his nomination form.The workers are fully charged and we are also get ting good financial support from people . Forseeing the defeat the dissatisfied bjp members are siding with congress. But our party workers are quite confident that Lal Lal Laherayega, Amra Delhi Jayega


President Rafael Correa Consolidates Revolution in Ecuador


Quito, April 27 — The re-election of Ecuadorian President, Rafael Correa in Sunday’s election is an example of the people’s support for change in the country.

While not yet official, the election results confirm survey findings: Correa would win in the first round. A rapid recount by the Participación Ciudadana nongovernmental organization, with 71.5% of the votes counted, places Correa of the Movimiento Alianza País in first place with 51.7%, and Lucio Gutiérrez of the Partido Sociedad Patriótica second, with 28.4% of the vote, EFE reports.

These figures motivated Correa, leader of the Alianza Pais Movement, to announce his victory in the first round of the general elections, characterized as historic in the South American nation. No other candidate has won in the first electoral round since 1976. The triumph allows Correa to govern until 2013.

For the Head of State, this was an “overwhelming victory” and committed himself in advancing in his Citizen’s Revolution in favor of the poor in Ecuador who, said Correa, “we will never deceive”.

In his opinion, these elections are an example that the population supports reforms in the country in “order to advance in the construction of 21st Century Socialism”.

President Rafael Correa surpassed the hardships and once again buried the traditional parties and representatives that inflicted political instability in the past.

Correa’s victory strengthens his policy against the US imposed Free Trade Agreement, US presence the Manta military base and free trade.

It consolidates Latin American integration, the diversification of socio economic relations with the nations to the South.

Correa stressed that “the Revolution is underway and nothing will stop it, the majority voted for a better future”.

(COURTESY : Granma)

Tuesday, April 28, 2009

Coimbatore For a Repeatition of 1967


P R Natarajan on campaign

South Indian Manchester, as it is commonly called, The south Indian city of Coimbatore holds the legacy of many a glorious struggles before and after independence.Coimbatore has for long been a bastion of working class movement and struggle. It had been known as ‘South Indian Manchester’ in view of the large cluster of textile mills that sprang up here during the British Raj. The late lamented freedom fighter V O Chidambaram Pillai laid the foundation of the trade union movement here by forming the first ever union in 1920. The textile workers under the red flag had waged many a heroic struggle on this soil. Comrades K Ramani, P Ramamurti, P Jeevanandam and A S K Iyengar had taken the leading role in organizing these workers and leading their struggles. Many have become martyrs during such struggles. Notable among them are the four mill workers of Chinniyampalayam (who were falsely implicated in a murder case and hanged to death in 1946) Abhai, Uppilipalayam Muthu, Selvapuram Poosari, Rackiannan and others. Tirupur Kumaran who laid down his life for the cause of our national flag belonged to this Coimbatore district .
Way back in 1967, on the occasion of General elections to the parliament Coibatore constituency saw a unique fight. Between a Big Industrialist and a Humble Mill worker. Pollachi alias Mahalinga who was a big textile industrialist and Mill owner was one person. The other person was Com. K Ramani one of the stalwarts of communist movement in Tamil Nadu, was a mill worker. In that electoral battle between the odds K Ramani became victorious by a huge margin of more than 1.5 lak votes. Such is the legacy of that consituency.

Com. K Ramani
Now Coimbatore had become a graveyard for industries. The globalization policies which started by 1990's and the recent economic meltdown had resulted in the closure of many industries in the district. Due to this closure of textile industries around 2 lakh people lost there jobs and around 1.5 lakh people lost jobs due to the closure of motorpump production units. Around 1 lakh people who were engaged in gold related works too have to leave there jobs. Adding to the burden DMK government's policy of Power cut increased the cut down in jobs.
It is in this context that the 15th Lok sabha election is going to be held. This time around, the constituency is seeing a repeatition of the 1967 elections. On the one hand CPIM candidate, Com P R Natarajan, who is worker is facing congress candidate and sitting Nilagiri Mp and also the owner of many mills, R Prabhu. PR Natarajan is among the people for the last 36 years in their struggles and activities. He is quite a familier face to the people of coimbatore. Another striking coincidence to the 1967 election is that PR Natarajan is the son in law of Com. K Ramani.
Palladam, Sullur, Kounderpalayam, Coimbatore South, Coimbatore North and Singanellure Assembly constituencies make up the Coimbatore Parliamentary constituency. Third front is quite confident that the people of coimbatore will uphold the great legacy of this constituency by voting Com. P R Natarajan with a huge margin.

Sunday, April 26, 2009

RSS Nurtured Terrorism in India : CPIM


RSS is the first to start terrorist activities in India Citing the example of the Murder of Father of the Nation, Mahathma Gandhi by RSS man Nadhu Ram Vinayak Godse, Kerala State Home Minister and CPIM polit bureau member Com. Kodiyeri Balakrishnan termed RSS to the propounders of hatred in our society and the first to start terorist acitivites. He was speeking at a public rally, in Balthangady, as part of election campaign for the CPIM candidate for Dakshin Kannada constituency Com. Madhava.
He added " The RSS which is remote controling the BJP is upholding Mr. Advani as its PM candidate. How can a person like Advani who was in the forefront for the strugle to demolish Babri Masjid lead the country with out hatred? The Violences unleashed by the Sangha Parivar in various parts of the country like Gujarat, Orissa and Karnataka are the only subjects on which they are campaigning. This actually shows there fascist face?
Congress, which ruled the country for nearly 50 years actually made the standard of living of 80 percent of the population to lower levels. If Third front is voted to power he said , will give utmost importance to the reinstalling of Non Aligned foreign policy, to protect the communal harmony in the country and to take appropriate actions for the upliftment of workers and downtroden masses. He also described the role played by the Left Front governments in Kerala West Bengal and Tripura in keepin the communal harmony. He also said about the pro-peoples policies that have been taken by the Left front government in the neighbouring state of Kerala.
Majerswarm CPI M MLA Com. Kunjambu and several others were present at the meeting.

Saturday, April 25, 2009

Com Leelavathi : Valiant Fighter of Toiling Mass

YOU MAY BE ABLE TO KILL US, BUT CANT KILL OUR IDEAS AND DREAMS

Comrade K Leelavathi, the fighter who laid down her life for the cause of the people. April 23 is her Martyrdom Day. People of Madurai still holds her near to their heart. This time around her martyrdom day coincided with the election campaign in Tamil Nadu. This time Madurai is going to see a straight fight between the Culprits of Leelavathi's murder DMK and the Party for which she laid down her life CPIM.

Com Leelavathi was a political activist, fighter for social causes and an active participant in the women's movement, She was an active worker of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and was the member of its Maduri District Committe. She was elected to the Madurai Corporation Council from Ward 59 (Villapuram) in September 1996 in the first ever elections held with one-third of the seats reserved for women. She was One of her election promises was to supply piped water to the people of her ward, most residents of which are economically backward people. For long, they had been buying water supplied by water tankers actually supplied by the coporation but was hijacked by a mafia and was supplied at abnormal prices and had been literally at the mercy of the lorry operators for their daily requirements of water. During times of acute scarcity, they found it difficult to get even a potful of water.

Leelavathi intervened on behalf of these people. She tried to regulate the supply in a fair manner and fought against the fleecing of the poor by the tanker mafia. When she was named a candidate of the CPI(M) for the corporation election, she promised the people that she would put an end to this unfair system. From the moment she assumed charge as councillor, her one-point mission was to bring tap water to her ward. She had to pursue her efforts both inside and outside the Council. She insisted that water supply be given priority over other development works and, in six months' time, triumphed in her mission. The entire city saw her as a crusader.

The pipeline was laid and even a trial supply of water was also undertaken. But a day or two before the supply was to have been formally inaugurated, Leelavathi was done to death by a group of six persons while she was returning from a shop. The wrath of the water tanker mafia as well as political rivalry was seen as the reason for the crime. The city of Madurai plunged into grief. Protest rallies were held in several parts of Tamil Nadu.

Even after her election to the Corporation Council at the age of 40, Leelavathi, a weaver by profession, and her husband Kuppusamy, a vendor of stainless steel utensils, continued to live in a single-room house, along with their three grown-up daughters. Her loom occupied most of the space in the house. A table fan and a black-and-white television set were the only other valuables in the house. Simple and unassuming, Leelavathi endeared herself to almost all sections of the people in her ward. She attended to their complaints with utmost sincerity. In the process, she had to confront several anti-social elements in the area. When the CPI(M) launched a demonstration against these elements, she was in the forefront. She gave her whole time to public service and party work. She became an enemy of these anti socials who actually had the supporting of DMK and its top leaders.

On 23 April 1998 while Com Leelavathi was going to shop to buy household things she was attacked brutally killed by a group led by DMK Ward secretary.

At the time of her death, one of the State vice-presidents of the Handloom Workers Union and a State committee member of the All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA).

You have shown us our way forward and you have been leading us as torchbearer in our journey forward. We remember You Comrade. We dip our Red Flag in our great memory. Lalsalam Com. Leelavathi.. Long Live Your memories..


Life Intolerable under DMK Regime : N Varadarajan

N Varadarajan

Public is leading a miserable life under the rule of DMK in Tamil Nadu,
N.Varadarajan, State secretary of CPI(M )charged while Addressing a massive meeting in support of the party's candidate P.Mohan, sitting MP at Madurai , N.Varadarajan accused the DMK government of causing hardship to the public with its policy of intolerance. Law and order has deteriorated to a new low as never before. The DMK could not fulfill its election promise of providing two acres of land to the landless poor, he said and added that the programme had been abruptly stopped after distributing lands to only 2 lakh people out of the 30 lakh who had applied for lands. Under the DMK rule, thousands of workers who were dependent solely on export industries in Karur, Tirupur have been deprived of their livelihood. Though health graph showed an upward trend in the State, the development in this sector is purely private centered. Still, most of the government hospitals and medical colleges lacked adequate stocks of medicine and staff, he charged.
When the neighbouring State of Kerala has allocated 30 per cent of their GDP for funding local bodies ,the TN government had increased its allotment by only 0.5per cent from 9 per cent in the current financial year, he explained. But the percentage that reached the public was meagre after the commission pocketed by others , he said. Violence and intolerance are the hallmark of the DMK party whose gangsters brutally murdered CPI(M) corporator comrade Leelavathi in broad day light in 1997. Rowdyism of Cheif Minister's son.M.K.Azhagiri in Madurai using his father's name has reached a stage where even co-operative elections could not be held properly in the district. Stating that the 87,000 persons had sought inclusion into the electoral roll in Madurai Lok Sabha constituency alone, Varadarajan alleged that it was the hidden agenda of the DMK party to ensure the success of Azhagiri in the polls.
The opposition parties had raised the issue and had complained to the Election Commission but no action had been taken far, he added.
DMK which was responsible for the death of three persons in Dinakaran office for publishing an anti party news, has no right to speak about democracy, people of Madurai, who had witnessed rowdyism and violence unleased by Azhagiri for some years should now vote for P.Mohan in order to maintain peace and democracy in the district, he added .

50000 people attended Campaign rally at Madurai

Madurai city witnessed a massive rally in support of comrade P.Mohan, CPI(M) candidate yesterday evening.More than 50 thousand people attended the rally.

Addressing the campaign meeting , AIADMK general secretary Jayalalithaa alleged that the DMK has plans to unleash violence during Chithirai festival scheduled on May 9. She called on the police department to make use of this opportunity to do away with the blots on the department for various incidents in the State, including the attack on advocates in the High Court in Chennai. She said that the attack on the CPI(M) MLA Nanmaran at Madurai and the murder of one Pandiarajan who was murdered for giving land to 'Marxists' to build temporary party election office were rehearsals for DMK's bid to unleash violence among the public. This attempt will threaten people to stay home on May 13 as well facilitating the DMK cadres to cast bogus votes on the polling day.

Charge against Maran:

Jayalalithaa said that she had received a petition stating that the CBI had come up with evidences supporting that there were misuse in 323 higher end telephone lines officially provided to former Union minister Dhayanidhi Maran and these lines were connected to a separate mini telephone exchange installed at Maran's Chennai home in January 2007. The CBI had found that these telephone lines were allegedly connected with the 'Sun TV' office where it was used to carry all sorts of signals, including the programmes which were aired by the Sun Network. She said that these lines had both basic rate and prime rate access for the transmission. Their usage had gone over 48 lakh units in March 2007 which was revealed in the CBI probe. She alleged that Maran had been misusing his power.

Jayalalithaa charged that the DMK had used its power to release the murderers of T Krittinan, former DMK Minister, and CPI(M) councillor Leelavathi, before they completed the term of conviction.

She criticised the family politics of Karunanidhi. She said that Karunanidhi had gained political mileage through 'Tamil language', but he had admitted almost all his garndchildren in Central Schools with 'Hindi' as the second language.

Friday, April 24, 2009

Third Front only alternative before people: CPI(M)

B. Madhava CPI(M)candidate for the Dakshina Kannada takes out padayatra

MANGALORE: The Third Front on Thursday took out a padayatra here seeking votes for its nominee, B. Madhava of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) for the Dakshina Kannada Lok Sabha Constituency.

Leaders of Communist Party of India, CPI(M), and Janata Dal (Secular) took part in the padayatra. The padayatra passed through the busy Central Market, lanes and bylanes in and around Hamapanakatta. Those who took part in the rally, including a few women, tried to apprise the voters ofthe need to establish peace in the sensitive city of Mangalore and the entire district. They highlighted the commitment of Mr. Madhava to the workers, particularly the beedi workers in the region.

The party workers distributed pamphlets which spoke about the alleged “anti-people policies” of the United Progressive Alliance government and the “divisive policies” of the National Democratic Alliance and the sangh parivar. “Third Front is the only alternative before the voters,” they said.
‘Only hope’

The padayatra was inaugurated by Left leader B.V. Kakkilaya. The nonagenarian said that the country was facing danger from communal forces and those favouring multi-national companies. The Bharatiya Janata Party was trying to divide people in the name of god. These forces had to be defeated for the well being of the country, he said.

The Third Front was the only hope for the country, he said and added that he was hopeful of Mr. Madhava getting the support of the electorate this time. The Third Front workers should strive hard to achieve this goal, he said. K.B. Balaraj Rai, president of the district unit of the Janata Dal (S), said that the BJP and the Congress had ruined the cultural harmony and peaceful co-existence of people. The constituency should be protected from such forces.

There was a fear psychosis among people which had to be addressed, he added. Mr. Madhava said he would, if elected, work for the development of the constituency. G.N. Nagaraj, secretary of the State unit of CPI(M), and president of the district unit of CPI C. Sanjeeva were present.
(The Hindu)

Reminiscences of the First Communist Delegation in Parliament

First Communist Delegation in Parliament (combined RS and LS)
The situation in which the Communist party joined the first electoral battle under serious handicaps is to be noted in order to have a proper perspective. The ban on the communist party was withdrawn just before the first General Elections. But the party was yet to recover from the dislocation caused by the all-out attack perpetrated by the congress rulers. The election Manifesto of the communist party stated " Thousands of its leaders and members are in prison and Nehru Government refuses to release them even now. Thousands of its members, including most of the members of its Central Committee, cannot come in the open and have to remain underground. Many of the organizations of the party are illegal to this day. Military and police terror rages uabated in the areas where the Party is strongest, making participation in the elections virtually impossible. The names of the most of those who could stand as candidates of the Party have bben left out of the electrol rolls." Ever since its formation, Communit party passed through these obstacles but stood by the people against all odds, even at the cost of their lives and properties. The communist party did not concel their mistakes also. The Election manifesto state " While waging all these fights the communists have not been free from errors and mistakes. But as serious fighters they have always publicly admitted their mistakes and corrected themselves. Never have thy left the masses to the mercies of the oppressors"
It was the task at that time to see that all Left and democratic forces, groups and individuals come together and fight against the congress. The party thus called for forging a United Front to ensure the defeat of congress. Of the major democratic all parties, the socialist party had substantial following. But it showed its utter reluctance to go in for an alliance or any sort of understanding with the communist party. It was evident, in actual practice, that its leaders were more opposed to Communists than to Congress - an outlook which they made no secret of it. The Left Alliance, too was not satisfactory.
Nevertheless the elections were held in such a background, but the outcome showed the congress getting weakend and it secured only 42 percent of the votes. Despite the best effort of the congress to destroy the Communist party, it emerged as the first opposition party in the Loksabha and a powerful force in the Indian Political Scene.

Communist party contested a total of 49 states across 14 states.

Sl. No

State Name

Seat Contested

Total Seats in States

Won

Votes polled by party

% of votes polled

1

Bihar

2

44

0

39272

0.39%

2

Mysore

1

9

0

73322

2.60%

3

Madhya Pradesh

1

23

0

29422

0.41%

4

Madhya Bharat

2

9

0

24716

1.27%

5

Bombay

3

37

0

154073

1.34%

6

Manipur

1

2

0

13184

8.65%

7

Orissa

4

16

1

211303

5.77%

8

Punjab

4

15

0

251623

5.04%

9

Rajasthan

1

18

0

5490

0.16%

10

Madras

16

62

8

1783407

8.95%

11

Tripura

2

2

2

96458

61.29%

12

Uttar Pradesh

2

69

0

59699

0.35%

13

West Bengal

9

26

5

720304

9.46%

14

Ajmer

1

2

0

25128

14.04%


Total (All India)

49

334

16

3487401

3.29%



List of Communist MP's in First Lok Sabha

1 Basu,Shri Kamal Kumar Diamond Harbour(West Bengal)
2 Buchhikotaiah,Shri Sanaka Masuliipatam(Madras)
3 Chakravartty,Smt. Renu Basirhat(West Bengal)
4 Chatterjea,Shri Tushar Serampore(West Bengal)
5 Chowdhury,Shri Nikunja Bihari Ghatal(West Bengal)
6 Das,Shri Bijoy Chandra Ganjam South(Orissa)
7 Gopalan,Shri A.K. Cannanore(Madras)
8 Gupta,Shri Sadhan Calcutta East(West Bengal)
9 Mukerjee,Shri Hirendra Nath Calcutta North East(West Bengal)
10 Nambiar,Shri K. Ananda Mayuram(Madras)
11 Punnoose,Shri P.T. Alleppey(Travancore-Cochin )
12 Raghavaiah,Shri Pishupati Venkata Ongole(Madras)
13 Rao,Dr. Chelikanai Venkata Rama Kakinada(Madras)
14 Rao,Shri Kadiyala Gopala Gudiwada(Madras)
15 Rao,Shri Kanety Mohana Rajahmundry -SC(Madras)
16 Rao,Shri Kondru Subba Eluru -SC(Madras)
17 Reddy,Shri Yeddula Eswara Cuddapah(Madras)

It was after the first general elections that we got recognition as a national party and emerged as the singlelargest group in the Opposition. But no individual group in the Opposition got recognition as a party since none of them had a share of 10 per cent the total strength of the Lok Sabha.

A.K. Gopalan was unanimously chosen as the leader of Communist Parliamentary Party. Hiren Mukherjee and Renu Chakraborty became deputy leaders and Kamal Bose the chief whip. The Speaker recognized the Communist Party as the main Opposition group. Till his death in 1977, Gopalan remained the leader of the Communist group in the Lok Sabha.


Lenin on Parliamentary System

While the So called " True Revolutionaries", The Maoists of India have opted not to participate in the General election and participate in parliamentary politics and disrupting the election process by unleashing violence across the country,it will be good to read Lenin, on his 139th birthday, regarding parliamentary system from his famous work Left Wing communism an infantile disorder

Should we Participate in Bourgeois Parliaments?

It is with the utmost contempt—and the utmost levity—that the German "Left" Communists reply to this question in the negative. Their arguments? In the passage quoted above we read:

"... All

reversion to parliamentary forms of struggle, which have become historically and politically obsolete, m

ust be emphatically rejected"

This is said with ridiculous pretentiousness, and is patently wrong. "Reversion" to parliamentarianism, forsooth! Perhaps there is already a Soviet republic in Germany? It does not look like it!

How, then, can one speak of "reversion"? Is this not an empty phrase?

Parliamentarianism has become "historically obsolete". That is true in the propaganda sense. However, everybody knows that this is still a far cry from overcoming it in practice. Capitalism could have been declared—and with full justice—to be "historically obsolete" many decades ago, but that does not at all remove the need for a very long and very persistent struggle on the basis of capitalism. Parliamentarianism is "historically obsolete" from the standpoint of world history, i.e., the era of bourgeois parliamentarianism is over, and the era of the proletarian dictatorship has begun. That is incontestable. But world history is counted in decades. Ten or twenty years earlier or later makes no difference when measured with the yardstick of world history; from the standpoint of world history it is a trifle that cannot be considered even approximately. But for that very reason, it is a glaring theoretical error to apply the yardstick of world history to practical politics.

Is parliamentarianism "politically obsolete"? That is quite a different matter. If that were true, the position of the "Lefts" would be a strong one. But it has to be proved by a most searching analysis, and the "Lefts" do not even know how to approach the matter. In the "Theses on Parliamentarianism", published in the Bulletin of the Provisional Bureau in Amsterdam of the Communist International No. 1, February 1920, and obviously expressing the Dutch-Left or Left-Dutch strivings, the analysis, as we shall see, is also hopelessly poor.

In the first place, contrary to the opinion of such outstanding political leaders as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, the German "Lefts", as we know, considered parliamentarianism "politically obsolete" even in January 1919. We know that the "Lefts" were mistaken. This fact alone utterly destroys, at a single stroke, the proposition that parliamentarianism is "politically obsolete". It is for the "Lefts" to prove why their error, indisputable at that time, is no longer an error. They do not and cannot produce even a shred of proof. A political party’s attitude towards its own mistakes is one of the most important and surest ways of judging how earnest the party is and how it fulfils in practice its obligations towards its class and the working people. Frankly acknowledging a mistake, ascertaining the reasons for it, analysing the conditions that have led up to it, and thrashing out the means of its rectification -- that is the hallmark of a serious party; that is how it should perform its duties, and how it should educate and train its class, and then the masses. By failing to fulfil this duty and give the utmost attention and consideration to the study of their patent error, the "Lefts" in Germany (and in Holland) have proved that they are not a party of a class, but a circle, not a party of the masses, but a group of intellectualists and of a few workers who ape the worst features of intellectualism.

Second, in the same pamphlet of the Frankfurt group of "Lefts", which we have already cited in detail, we read:

"... The millions of workers who still follow the policy of the Centre [the Catholic "Centre" Party] are counter-revolutionary. The rural proletarians provide the legions of counter-revolutionary troops." (Page 3 of the pamphlet.)

Everything goes to show that this statement is far too sweeping and exaggerated. But the basic fact set forth here is incontrovertible, and its acknowledgment by the "Lefts" is particularly clear evidence of their mistake. How can one say that "parliamentarianism is politically obsolete", when "millions" and "legions" of proletarians are not only still in favour of parliamentarianism in general, but are downright "counter-revolutionary"!? It is obvious that parliamentarianism in Germany is not yet politically obsolete. It is obvious that the "Lefts" in Germany have mistaken their desire, their politico-ideological attitude, for objective reality. That is a most dangerous mistake for revolutionaries to make. In Russia—where, over a particularly long period and in particularly varied forms, the most brutal and savage yoke of tsarism produced revolutionaries of diverse shades, revolutionaries who displayed amazing devotion, enthusiasm, heroism and will power—in Russia we have observed this mistake of the revolutionaries at very close quarters; we have studied it very attentively and have a first-hand knowledge of it; that is why we can also see it especially clearly in others. Parliamentarianism is of course "politically obsolete" to the Communists in Germany; but—and that is the whole point—we must not regard what is obsolete to us as something obsolete to a class, to the masses. Here again we find that the "Lefts" do not know how to reason, do not know how to act as the party of a class, as the party of the masses. You must not sink to the level of the masses, to the level of the backward strata of the class. That is incontestable. You must tell them the bitter truth. You are in duty bound to call their bourgeois-democratic and parliamentary prejudices what they are—prejudices. But at the same time you must soberly follow the actual state of the class-consciousness and preparedness of the entire class (not only of its communist vanguard), and of all the working people (not only of their advanced elements).

Even if only a fairly large minority of the industrial workers, and not "millions" and "legions", follow the lead of the Catholic clergy—and a similar minority of rural workers follow the landowners and kulaks (Grossbauern)—it undoubtedly signifies that parliamentarianism in Germany has not yet politically outlived itself, that participation in parliamentary elections and in the struggle on the parliamentary rostrum is obligatory on the party of the revolutionary proletariat specifically for the purpose of educating the backward strata of its own class, and for the purpose of awakening and enlightening the undeveloped, downtrodden and ignorant rural masses. Whilst you lack the strength to do away with bourgeois parliaments and every other type of reactionary institution, you must work within them because it is there that you will still find workers who are duped by the priests and stultified by the conditions of rural life; otherwise you risk turning into nothing but windbags.

Third, the "Left" Communists have a great deal to say in praise of us Bolsheviks. One sometimes feels like telling them to praise us less and to try to get a better knowledge of the Bolsheviks’ tactics. We took part in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, the Russian bourgeois parliament in September-November 1917. Were our tactics correct or not? If not, then this should be clearly stated and proved, for it is necessary in evolving the correct tactics for international communism. If they were correct, then certain conclusions must be drawn. Of course, there can be no question of placing conditions in Russia on a par with conditions in Western Europe. But as regards the particular question of the meaning of the concept that "parliamentarianism has become politically obsolete", due account should be taken of our experience, for unless concrete experience is taken into account such concepts very easily turn into empty phrases. In September-November 1917, did we, the Russian Bolsheviks, not have more right than any Western Communists to consider that parliamentarianism was politically obsolete in Russia? Of course we did, for the point is not whether bourgeois parliaments have existed for a long time or a short time, but how far the masses of the working people are prepared (ideologically, politically and practically) to accept the Soviet system and to dissolve the bourgeois-democratic parliament (or allow it to be dissolved). It is an absolutely incontestable and fully established historical fact that, in September-November 1917, the urban working class and the soldiers and peasants of Russia were, because of a number of special conditions, exceptionally well prepared to accept the Soviet system and to disband the most democratic of bourgeois parliaments. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks did not boycott the Constituent Assembly, but took part in the elections both before and after the proletariat conquered political power. That these elections yielded exceedingly valuable (and to the proletariat, highly useful) political results has, I make bold to hope, been proved by me in the above-mentioned article, which analyses in detail the returns of the elections to the Constituent Assembly in Russia.

The conclusion which follows from this is absolutely incontrovertible: it has been proved that, far from causing harm to the revolutionary proletariat, participation in a bourgeois-democratic parliament, even a few weeks before - the victory of a Soviet republic and even after such a victory, actually helps that proletariat to prove to the backward masses why such parliaments deserve to be done away with; it facilitates their successful dissolution, and helps to make bourgeois parliamentarianism "politically obsolete". To ignore this experience, while at the same time claiming affiliation to the Communist International, which must work out its tactics internationally (not as narrow or exclusively national tactics, but as international tactics), means committing a gross error and actually abandoning internationalism in deed, while recognising it in word.

Now let us examine the "Dutch-Left" arguments in favour of non-participation in parliaments. The following is the text of Thesis No. 4, the most important of the above-mentioned "Dutch" theses:

When the capitalist system of production has broken down, and society is in a state of revolution, parliamentary action gradually loses importance as compared with the action of the masses themselves. When, in these conditions, parliament becomes the centre and organ of the counter-revolution, whilst, on the other hand, the labouring class builds up the instruments of its power in the Soviets, it may even prove necessary to abstain from all and any participation in parliamentary action."

The first sentence is obviously wrong, since action by the masses, a big strike, for instance, is more important than parliamentary activity at all times, and not only during a revolution or in a revolutionary situation. This obviously untenable and historically and politically incorrect argument merely shows very clearly that the authors completely ignore both the general European experience (the French experience before the revolutions of 1848 and 1870; the German experience of 1878-90, etc.) and the Russian experience (see above) of the importance of combining legal and illegal struggle. This question is of immense importance both in general and in particular, because in all civilised and advanced countries the time is rapidly approaching when such a combination will more and more become—and has already partly become—mandatory on the party of the revolutionary proletariat, inasmuch as civil war between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is maturing and is imminent, and because of savage persecution of the Communists by republican governments and bourgeois governments generally, which resort to any violation of legality (the example of America is edifying enough), etc. The Dutch, and the Lefts in general, have utterly failed to understand this highly important question.

The second sentence is, in the first place, historically wrong. We Bolsheviks participated in the most counterrevolutionary parliaments, and experience has shown that this participation was not only useful but indispensable to the party of the revolutionary proletariat, after the first bourgeois revolution in Russia (1905), so as to pave the way for the second bourgeois revolution (February 1917), and then for the socialist revolution (October 1917). In the second place, this sentence is amazingly illogical. If a parliament becomes an organ and a "centre" (in reality it never has been and never can be a "centre", but that is by the way) of counter-revolution, while the workers are building up the instruments of their power in the form of the Soviets, then it follows that the workers must prepare—ideologically, politically and technically—for the struggle of the Soviets against parliament, for the dispersal of parliament by the Soviets. But it does not at all follow that this dispersal is hindered, or is not facilitated, by the presence of a Soviet opposition within the counter-revolutionary parliament. In the course of our victorious struggle against Denikin and Kolchak, we never found that the existence of a Soviet and proletarian opposition in their camp was immaterial to our victories. We know perfectly well that the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly on January 5, 1918 was not hampered but was actually facilitated by the fact that, within the counter-revolutionary Constituent Assembly which was about to be dispersed, there was a consistent Bolshevik, as well as an inconsistent, Left Socialist-Revolutionary Soviet opposition. The authors of the theses are engaged in muddled thinking; they have forgotten the experience of many, if not all, revolutions, which shows the great usefulness, during a revolution, of a combination of mass action outside a reactionary parliament with an opposition sympathetic to (or, better still, directly supporting) the revolution within it. The Dutch, and the "Lefts" in general, argue in this respect like doctrinaires of the revolution, who have never taken part in a real revolution, have never given thought to the history of revolutions, or have naively mistaken subjective "rejection" of a reactionary institution for its actual destruction by the combined operation of a number of objective factors. The surest way of discrediting and damaging a new political (and not only political) idea is to reduce it to absurdity on the plea of defending it. For any truth, if "overdone" (as Dietzgen Senior put it), if exaggerated, or if carried beyond the limits of its actual applicability, can be reduced to an absurdity, and is even bound to become an absurdity under these conditions. That is just the kind of disservice the Dutch and German Lefts are rendering to the new truth of the Soviet form of government being superior to bourgeois-democratic parliaments. Of course, anyone would be in error who voiced the outmoded viewpoint or in general considered it impermissible, in all and any circumstances, to reject participation in bourgeois parliaments. I cannot attempt here to formulate the conditions under which a boycott is useful, since the object of this pamphlet is far more modest, namely, to study Russian experience in connection with certain topical questions of international communist tactics. Russian experience has provided us with one successful and correct instance (1905), and another that was incorrect (1906), of the use of a boycott by the Bolsheviks. Analysing the first case, we, see that we succeeded in preventing a reactionary government from convening a reactionary parliament in a situation in which extra-parliamentary revolutionary mass action (strikes in particular) was developing at great speed, when not a single section of the proletariat and the peasantry could support the reactionary government in any way, and when the revolutionary proletariat was gaining influence over the backward masses through the strike struggle and through the agrarian movement. It is quite obvious that this experience is not applicable to present-day European conditions. It is likewise quite obvious—and the foregoing arguments bear this out -- that the advocacy, even if with reservations, by the Dutch and the other "Lefts" of refusal to participate in parliaments is fundamentally wrong and detrimental to the cause of the revolutionary proletariat.

In Western Europe and America, parliament has become most odious to the revolutionary vanguard of the working class. That cannot be denied. It can readily be understood, for it is difficult to imagine anything more infamous, vile or treacherous than the behaviour of the vast majority of socialist and Social-Democratic parliamentary deputies during and after the war. It would, however, be not only unreasonable but actually criminal to yield to this mood when deciding how this generally recognised evil should be fought. In many countries of Western Europe, the revolutionary mood, we might say, is at present a "novelty", or a "rarity", which has all too long been vainly and impatiently awaited; perhaps that is why people so easily yield to that mood. Certainly, without a revolutionary mood among the masses, and without conditions facilitating the growth of this mood, revolutionary tactics will never develop into action. In Russia, however, lengthy, painful and sanguinary experience has taught us the truth that revolutionary tactics cannot be built on a revolutionary mood alone. Tactics must be based on a sober and strictly objective appraisal of all the class forces in a particular state (and of the states that surround it, and of all states the world over) as well as of the experience of revolutionary movements. It is very easy to show one’s "revolutionary" temper merely by hurling abuse at parliamentary opportunism, or merely by repudiating participation in parliaments; its very ease, however, cannot turn this into a solution of a difficult, a very difficult, problem. It is far more difficult to create a really revolutionary parliamentary group in a European parliament than it was in Russia. That stands to reason. But it is only a particular expression of the general truth that it was easy for Russia, in the specific and historically unique situation of 1917, to start the socialist revolution, but it will be more difficult for Russia than for the European countries to continue the revolution and bring it to its consummation. I had occasion to point this out already at the beginning of 1918, and our experience of the past two years has entirely confirmed the correctness of this view. Certain specific conditions, viz., (1) the possibility of linking up the Soviet revolution with the ending, as a consequence of this revolution, of the imperialist war, which had exhausted the workers and peasants to an incredible degree; (2) the possibility of taking temporary advantage of the mortal conflict between the world’s two most powerful groups of imperialist robbers, who were unable to unite against their Soviet enemy; (3) the possibility of enduring a comparatively lengthy civil war, partly owing to the enormous size of the country and to the poor means of communication; (4) the existence of such a profound bourgeois-democratic revolutionary movement among the peasantry that the party of the proletariat was able to adopt the revolutionary demands of the peasant party (the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, the majority of whose members were definitely hostile to Bolshevism) and realise them at once, thanks to the conquest of political power by the proletariat—all these specific conditions do not at present exist in Western Europe, and a repetition of such or similar conditions will not occur so easily. Incidentally, apart from a number of other causes, that is why it is more difficult for Western Europe to start a socialist revolution than it was for us. To attempt to "circumvent" this difficulty by "skipping" the arduous job of utilising reactionary parliaments for revolutionary purposes is absolutely childish. You want to create a new society, yet you fear the difficulties involved in forming a good parliamentary group made up of convinced, devoted and heroic Communists, in a reactionary parliament! Is that not childish? If Karl Liebknecht in Germany and Z. H?glund in Sweden were able, even without mass support from below, to set examples of the truly revolutionary utilisation of reactionary parliaments, why should a rapidly growing revolutionary mass party, in the midst of the post-war disillusionment and embitterment of the masses, be unable to forge a communist group in the worst of parliaments? It is because, in Western Europe, the backward masses of the workers and—to an even greater degree—of the small peasants are much more imbued with bourgeois-democratic and parliamentary prejudices than they were in Russia because of that, it is only from within such institutions as bourgeois parliaments that Communists can (and must) wage a long and persistent struggle, undaunted by any difficulties, to expose, dispel and overcome these prejudices.

The German "Lefts" complain of bad "leaders" in their party, give way to despair, and even arrive at a ridiculous "negation" of "leaders". But in conditions in which it is often necessary to hide "leaders" underground, the evolution of good "leaders", reliable, tested and authoritative, is a very difficult matter; these difficulties cannot be successfully overcome without combining legal and illegal work, and without testing the "leaders", among other ways, in parliaments. Criticism -- the most keen, ruthless and uncompromising criticism—should be directed, not against parliamentarianism or parliamentary activities, but against those leaders who are unable—and still more against those who are unwilling -- to utilise parliamentary elections and the parliamentary rostrum in a revolutionary and communist manner. Only such criticism—combined, of course, with the dismissal of incapable leaders and their replacement by capable ones—will constitute useful and fruitful revolutionary work that will simultaneously train the "leaders" to be worthy of the working class and of all working people, and train the masses to be able properly to understand the political situation and the often very complicated and intricate tasks that spring from that situation.